‘KILL KILL KILL’

NAUBOS na ang sipi ng aking ikatlong aklat – “KILL KILL KILL Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines; Crimes Against Humanity v. Rodrigo Duterte Et. Al.” Nagkaroon kasi ng demand nang ako’y dakpin sa bintang na cyberlibel na iniharap ni Atty Manash Carpio, maybahay ni Misfit Sara.

Muli namin inatasan ang aming printer na maglimbag ng dagdag na kopya. Ipinangako sa amin na darating ang mga bagong kopya ng aming aklat sa unang linggo ng Disyembre. Nanatili ang Popular Book Store at Baybayin Book Trade bilang distributor ng aking aklat. Mayroon silang website at maaaring humingi ng online order doon.

Dahil lumabas ang aming aklat saktong isang taon na ang nakalipas, minarapat namin na magdagdag ng tatlong tsapter kung saan tinalakay namin ang nangyari sa ICC at kahit dito sa bansa upang magsilbing update. Kung may 11 tsapter ang unang edition ng KILL KILL KILL, at 18 tsapter ang ikalawa. Magkakaroon ng 21 tsapter ang ikatlo.

Kasama sa aming tinalakay ang dalawang confirmation charges of hearing at limang status conference sa ICC kung saan tinalakay ng magkabilang panig – prosekusyon, depensa, at kahit ang mga kinatawan ng mga pamilya ng mga biktima ng EJK ang susundin na patakaran at alituntunin sa pagbubukas ng trial ni Gongdi sa ika-30 ng Nobyembre.

Tinalakay namin ang mga nangyari dito mula ng dakpin si Gongdi at dalhin sa punong himpilan ng ICC sa The Hague kung saan doon siya bilanggo. Kasama sa aming tinalakay ang resolusyon ni Fake News Imee na nag-imbestiga sa pagdakip ni Gongdi. Walang nangyari sa resolusyon ni Babs at pinagtawanan ito.

May pagtalakay din kasi sa binuong EJK Truth Commission na kasalukuyang nag-iimbestiga at tumutulong sa ICC upang linawan ang totoong kaganapan noong panahon ni Gongdi. Anim na beses na nagdaos ng public hearing ang Truth Commision na ideya ni Cardinal Ambo David.

Tinatapos rin namin ang aming pang-apat na aklat na pinamagatan namin “MISFIT SARA Life and Times of Vice President Sara Duterte-Carpio; The Impeachment Trial of the Filipino Vice President.”

Pipilitin namin matapos ito sa ikalawang linggo ng Disyembre at maaaring lumabas ang mga kopya sa Enero. May plano kami na ilunsad ito sa isang book launch sa Pebrero Kinakausap namin ang National Press Club boilang pagdadausang pook ng book launch.

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ITO ang huling bahagi ng aming aklat ng KILL KILL KILL kung saan tinalakay namin ang kinabukasan ng paglilitis ng ICC kay Gongdi. Iniiwan namin sa mambabasa ang paghuhusga. Maraming salat po sa suporta.

It is significant in the sense the trial is a way to stop mass murder by a leader. This is not just a Philippine case. It is also a test of three principles:

First, the complementarity rule, which means any national failure triggers international jurisdiction. The ICC only acts when national courts are unwilling or unable to take over The Philippines, under Duterte and after did not prosecute these killings. There were only five convictions out of thousands per the EJK Truth Commission. Most cases were filed as Deaths Under Investigation (DUI). If the ICC can proceed despite the 2019 withdrawal of the Philippines from the Rome Statute in 2019, it signals that the withdrawal of any country does not erase liability for crimes committed while a state was a party. That closes a loophole leaders might use, which is to quit the International Criminal Court to escape responsibility.

Hence, any head-of-state, or former head-of-state has no immunity for crimes against humanity. Duterte is the first former Asian head of state to face ICC trial for the antidrug war killings, and one of few former presidents ever to stand trial in The Hague. It tests whether “war on drugs,” “war on crime,” or “national security” can be used as the legal cover for systematic killing of civilians. The prosecution panel should prove what could be regarded as widespread and systematic, not isolated excesses, but policy as well.

If convicted, it would be precedent that a leader, who creates an incentive infrastructure like quotas, rewards, public encouragement to kill, protection from prosecution can be liable even without pulling the trigger. If acquitted, it would be precedent to show that the ICC requires direct linkage, not just rhetoric and statistics.

Under the ICC trial, the victims are participants. They are not just witnesses. Unlike the Nuremberg Trials or ad hoc tribunals like the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the Rome Statute gives victims, or their families, the legal representatives, who can present views, concerns, and possibly evidence. The EJK Truth Commission, which was formed on May 2026, has been explicitly created to complement this role, which is to document cases the ICC cannot cover because of its limited time frame and limited number of victims (e.g., Clarita Alia’s sons 2001-2007, Christian Pepaño 2020).

The Nov. 30 trial opening will be watched in Manila by families, who testified in Aug-Oct sessions. For them, the ICC is the only court that has moved. This is a big deal for them – or the only deal that matters.

There is also a strong argument for deterrence against backlash risk. Supporters have argued that a public trial with live testimonies by witnesses, forensic evidence, and cross-examination creates a historical record that deters future leaders from using mass killing as policy, and rehabilitates institutions. There is no argument that the trial will be unsuccessful.