SAKIT NI BBM

HINDI kami nagtaka na dinapuan ng Covid-19 si BBM. Nagtataka lang at nagtatanong kung totoo ang ipinahayag ni Trixie Angeles. Batid namin na mahina ang katawan ni BBM. Hindi batak sa trabaho at buhay senyorito hanggang tumanda. Bukod diyan, iisa ang kidney (bato) ni BBM. Ibinigay niya ang isa sa kanyang ama, Ferdinand Sr., sa isang kidney transplant noong ika-7 ng Agosto, 1983, o dalawang linggo bago pinaslang si Ninoy Aquino.

Nagkaroon ng rejection sa ibinigay na bato ng batang Marcos. Pero ibang kuwento na ito. Noong 2020, unang dinapuan ng Covid-19 si BBM nooong magliwaliw sa Espanya. Kagyat na umuwi si BBM at totoong nabingit ang buhay dahil sa sakit. Mabuti at may salapi si BBM at binigyan siya ng karampatang lunas medikal. Gayunpaman, manis ang kanyang kalusugan at hindi biro na muling magkasakit ang Covid-19. Hindi dapat ipagwalang bahala ang kanyang karamdaman.

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MGA PILING SALITA: “Democracy Dies in Disinformation.” – Andy Bautista, netizen

“Ang daming tarp akong nadadaanan na ‘Salamat PRRD.’ Para saan? Para sa kanyang pagiging pinaka banong pangulo sa ating kasaysayan? Walang natupad na pangako, binalahura ang mga batas at institusyon, saksakan ng pagka korap pa. Nakakainit ng ulo ang mga sipsip na nagpagawang tarp.” – Bart Guingona, netizen, social critic

“Just blocked someone who has questionable tweets. I think closet BBM sya talaga. I don’t mind those who openly tweet about their support for the brat – at least they’re upfront about it even if I don’t agree with what they say. What I don’t like are the weasels.” – Ateng Sharlene, netizen

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HALAW ang mga sumusunod sa aming aklat “KILL KILL KILL: EJKs in the Philippines; Crimes Against Humanity vs. Duterte Et. Al. at the ICC.” Nasa huling yugto na ako na pagsusulat.

KP as ‘Brownshirts.’ There were supporters who wanted to strengthen Dueterte’s hold to power by having a mass-based political party, while other supporters believed that KP would only bring the Duterte government closer to the Left. This was the tug-of-war during the early weeks of Duterte’s presidency. The more acceptable assessment was the planned creation of an army of supporters, or a “mass movement,” whose members could be easily converted into the equivalent of the S.A. or “Brownshirts” of the old Nazi German regime. Given Duterte’s penchant to use thugs in his war on drugs in Davao City, it could be surmised too that Evasco’s faction in the ruling coalition could have thought to create an army within the army with KP as the political vehicle to form its core of members.

Rodrigo Duterte won the 2016 presidential elections partly with the help of the Left – both the Legal left, which has the alphabet soup of Left-leaning organizations like Bayan, a mass organization, Bayan Muna Party List, Gabriela, Anakpawis, Kabataan, among others, and the outlawed extreme Left led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), the New People’s Army (NPA), its military arm, and the National Democratic Front (NDF), its political arm. Although on official level the Left supported Grace Poe, who landed third after Duterte and Mar Roxas, the Liberal Party candidate, the Left, especially those based in Mindanao, supported Duterte instead of Poe. In brief, it played simultaneously two political cards in 2016.

Although it was not official and nothing indeed was written on stone, it could be said that Duterte was in alliance with the Left. This could be deduced from the appointments of certain officials, who were closely associated with the Legal Left like Judy Taguiwalo as secretary of the Department of Social Works and Services (DSWD), who later resigned in disgust with Duterte’s public policies, Rafael Mariano, as secretary of the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR), who met the same fate as Taguiwalo’s, and lesser mortals like Liza Maza and Terry Ridon. Evasco was said to be personally identified with Duterte because he was once the latter’s chief of staff when he was the mayor of Davao City. Evasco was reported powerful because he had the initial effective control of at least 16 state agencies. But just like the other Left-leaning Cabinet members, he was eased out of the Cabinet only to be reappointed as a presidential adviser on government reorganization to streamline processes in 2020.

It could be surmised that the police and military establishments distrusted Evasco, who was identified as a former member of the central committee of the CPP. As a CPP member, Evasco was being viewed as an institutional enemy because the PNP and AFP are engaged in armed struggle with communist guerillas. In short, Evasco, despite his elaborate plans to create a grassroots party for Duterte, did not get the trust and confidence of the PNP and AFP. They took him for an “enemy,” who should be defanged and weakened.

The white paper discussed Evasco’s plan to create a program within the program against drugs. According to the white paper, Evasco’s program was considered “the broad intelligence network of EJK” dubbed the MASA MASID, which stood for Mamamayang Ayaw sa Anomalya, Mamamayang Ayaw sa Ilegal na Droga (Citizens against Anomalies, Citizens Against Illegal Drugs). Drafted and completed in July, 2016 by Evasco and Undersecretary Joselito Libres Jr., whom, the white paper said, were members of the CPP Central Committee, the highest policy-making body in the outlawed organization, the MASA MASID program sought to become the “watchdog” of the Kilusang Pagbabago, the mass-based party.

The KP’s concept paper contained at least five component programs, which sought to strengthen the Duterte government. A component was the “defender of the Republic” program, which sought to defend Duterte from “destabilization threats and calamities to ensure delivery of services for communities and sectors.” Another component was the propaganda scheme program to project Duterte as the “educator” when it comes to changes. The third component part was essentially political, as it sought to change to a federal form the current unitary government. The fifth component centers on effective delivery of social services.

But it was in the component program that identified KP as the “watchdog,” which the police and military establishments did not feel comfortable. Under this component, the KP would be the vanguard against crime, drugs and corruption through monitoring, documentation, and advocacy. These things were essentially PNP’s job. The white paper said this component could be aptly transformed into the “intelligence arm of the National Democratic Front,” of which Evasco was identified as a key leader. It said:

“Indeed, the MASA MASID has a vast network of informants [on] the national scale. It functions as a spy agency jointly established and operated by the CPP/NPA/NDF, DILG, and the hoodwinked civic organizations. It could be compared to a modern Gestapo providing data to the savage ‘war on drugs’ with state-sponsored EJK.

“The principal source of President Duterte’s ‘Drug List’ is undoubtedly the MASA MASID. PRRD has repeatedly announced that the [number of] drug addicts [is] approaching a prevalence level of almost 4 million. This is in contract to the official data of 1.8 million drug users and pushers of the Dangerous Drug Board (DDB/Philippine Drug Enforcement agency (PDEA).

“There is a gap of 2.2 million between President Duterte’s list of 4 million addicts and the DDB/PDEA estimates of 1.8 million.”